How many people live in kharkov

The opening of one of the oldest in the country and the first in Ukraine Kharkov university on the 17 th 29 th of January of had a huge meaning. Karazin became the founder of the university.

The university is a cultural and scientific center; it is famous by its scientists, graduates and teachers: N. Beketov, V. Danilevskiy, H. Sumtsov, D. In the Veterinary Institute was opened in Kharkov. The Institute of agriculture and forestry was evacuated to Kharkov from Novaya Aleksahdria. Therefore by the beginning of the XX century Kharkov had become an industrial, scientific and cultural center with a huge potential.

The new age put unexpected corrections into development of the city. A lot of important events in Ukrainian history are connected to Kharkov. On the 29 th of January according to the old dating of the first political party in the Dnieper Ukraine was created there. On the 12 th of December of the Soviet power was declared. The boisterous flowing of economical processes conditioned the sharpening of social contradictions. In the es — es of the XIX century Kharkov became a center of populist movement.

Spontaneous actions of workers occurred. In the beginning of the es there starts a period of wide transformations in different branches of social life. Considerable changes were made in the administrative and territorial order of the city.

On the 26 th of January of the city was divided into three districts — Ivanovo-Lysogorskiy, Petino-Zjuravlevskiy and Oshovyansko-Kholodnogorskiy. The executive committees concentrated the management of all the sides of social life in their hands.

The names and the number of districts were changed often. There were eight of them by and they corresponded to the modern division mainly. In Kharkiv appropriated the state of capital officially. By the end of the industrial enterprises were rebuilt and reconstructed, new plants and fabrics appeared.

In the industry of the city was 12 times bigger than in In the first radio station in Ukraine began its work.

The new settlements of workers appeared. They were: the one named by Artem, the one named by Kirov, the settlement of tractor builders, the Red October. The district heating supply of the city was started.

In the first trolley-bus line appeared. In the es a wide net of seven years schools appeared, the struggle with ignorance was started.

A period of activity of an outstanding pedagogue A. Makarenko is connected to Kharkov. New forms of out-class work came into life, and in the first Palace of Pioneers in Ukraine was opened in Kharkov.

Considerable changes were made in the higher education system. Since there appeared the Medical Institute, the Institute of Public Maintenance, and the Law Institute in appeared after reorganization of the university.

In there were organized 23 new higher educational institutions. In there was started an activity of many new scientific organizations and institutes of the city such as the Ukrainian Profondometer Academy, the Institute of Hematology and Blood Transfusion, Charred Cole Building, the Ukrainian physical and technical institute etc.

The science societies held a scientific work, regional ethnography was developing. In the first half of the XX century the city was changed greatly because of the monuments appearance in the best in the world monument to T.

Shevchenko by M. In Gosprom was built in constructivism style. The cultural life of the city was full of events. The city had incredible losses in the years of mass repressions of Stalin regime and in the years of Great Patriotic war.

It became a subject of a special interest of Hitler Germany and as a result both sides fought cruelly for possessing it. The city went from one hands to others twice, it survived the occupation, hunger and ruining. By the moment of deliverance of the city thousand square meters of living areas had been ruined, all the housing maintenance had been put out of work, a considerable amount of material assets of Kharkov enterprises had been also ruined in spite of evacuation.

By the 23 rd of August — the day of deliverance of the city — there had been no working enterprises in the city. During the occupation thousands of kharkovites were murdered just because of their race, nation or belonging to the party, a lot of people were overtaken to Germany.

But even in these inhuman conditions people of the city tried to save and keep the cultural values. There were killed and tortured more than thousand of civilians and thousand were overtaken during 21 months of occupation. There were people left from thousand of population before the war. In years after its foundation Kharkiv became a trade centre of the region and by the end of 19th century it turned into a large industrial city. Within the period from to it was a capital of Ukraine. Kharkiv is situated in the eastern part of Ukraine in an ecological area.

The city is surrounded with partially-wooded steppe district which makes this place wonderful to work and rest at. Territory — more than sq. Population — more than 1,, inhabitants. Industry — Kharkiv has big industrial enterprises which produce aircraft, tractors, turbines, electric engines, tower cranes, software controlled machine-tools, radio and electronic equipment, medical devices, light and food industries products.

A loyal special forces unit from the city of Vinnytsia quickly forced the pro-Russian activists out of the regional administration building. Kernes has been in local politics since the early s and is known for his craftiness, criminal past , and adaptability. He supported the Orange Revolution in , then turned to the Party of Regions. Saving the city also meant preserving his personal fiefdom, as his assets would have been destroyed had the separatists taken over. In April , just weeks after he switched sides, Kernes was seriously wounded in an assassination attempt , the motive for which remains unknown.

As of August , the ensuing criminal investigation has not yet concluded. Separatist resistance to the new Ukrainian state authorities came in the form of sabotage, explosions, and shootings. The SBU reportedly foiled thirty-five of thirty-nine cases of terrorism, identifying twenty-three criminal groups with more than eighty participants.

In February , an improvised explosive device killed four people and injured at least nine people during a march commemorating the Euromaidan victims.

Similarly, another explosion injured eleven people in November at a pub belonging to a volunteer who was helping the Ukrainian Army. The separatist resistance in Kharkiv eventually died out. Even so, violence continued, mainly a side effect of an influx of firearms and explosives stemming from the war to the southeast.

Kharkiv faced a series of explosions and shootings in that resulted in casualties, including two shooting incidents estimated to involve up to several dozens of combatants from voluntary battalions, including members of the Azov Battalion on both occasions.

Military installations were another source of risk. In March , about 36, people were evacuated from the southern town of Balaklia after an munitions warehouse exploded in spectacular fashion, killing two civilians, injuring at least five people, and damaging more than civilian houses.

Admittedly, ammunition explosions occurred regularly all over Ukraine even before the conflict. The authorities have investigated four out of five such incidents that have occurred since as of June , as acts of terrorism or sabotage. The results of the final investigation into the Balaklia explosion remain secret. In the most recent such incident, in early May , the same warehouse exploded again but caused no casualties; that conflagration was officially attributed to negligence.

Although things in Kharkiv have settled down, these violent incidents have contributed to a sense of insecurity and imposed significant human and social costs. Due to its proximity to the conflict zone in Donbas, the Kharkiv region became one of the main destinations for internally displaced persons IDPs.

It is difficult to gauge the total number of IDPs in Kharkiv, although some estimates provide a rough approximation. At the peak of hostilities in —, various local officials estimated that their numbers might have ranged from , to , Schools, the job market, and medical facilities were put under severe strain, and prices spiked for rental housing, in which the overwhelming majority of IDPs reside, according to an NGO that assists such individuals in Kharkiv.

In , only 36 percent of IDPs said they did not feel fully integrated into the Kharkiv region. Since the peak in —, the number of IDPs has gone down. As of April , about , IDPs are registered to reside in the region, yet many have unofficially returned to or else visit their previous homes frequently for family-related or economic reasons. IDPs in the region of Kharkiv have experienced some of the highest levels of intolerance in Ukraine, paying the price for the pressure their arrival has placed on social systems and rising living costs.

Unsurprisingly, IDPs generally do not like to identify themselves as such. Elderly people, single parents, and people with disabilities remain the most vulnerable. Their main concerns are housing and job shortages, due to their low incomes and the high cost of rent. In , more than 12, registered combatants in the region received some form of state assistance. This includes both nationally and regionally administered social services and other programs for military personnel and their families.

Despite this support, the need for assistance is much greater. Psychological rehabilitation, professional job training, and other services to help returning combatants adapt to civilian life are particularly insufficient. Overall, a chairman of a parliamentary committee on veteran affairs estimated that more than 1, Ukrainian combatants have committed suicide. In the absence of official statistics, human rights defenders estimate that more than 1, people have been detained for conflict-related reasons in the region since early Human rights groups have documented grave human rights violations —including enforced disappearances, torture, ill-treatment, and arbitrary arrests; however, the state has denied these allegations, and no effective investigations have been conducted.

The threat of armed conflict and terrorism has perversely made it easier for law enforcement personnel and the judiciary to justify heavy-handed tactics and cover for their own failures to deliver justice. Although this is a nation-wide problem, several cases in Kharkiv amply illustrate a continuous sense of impunity for human rights violations and a failure of the state to deliver justice.

For instance, like their counterparts in other parts of Ukraine, the Kharkiv police are reluctant to prevent and to investigate radical right-wing groups for crimes against the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender LGBT community. One egregious example of how politics influences justice is the trial of Nelia Shtepa, the former mayor of Sloviansk and political opposition figure, who has been accused of separatism and terrorism.

Nearly twenty judges, facing political pressure to convict her, have sought to use a variety of pretexts to avoid presiding over the case. By contrast, a criminal case in Kharkiv against Mayor Kernes, a regime ally who was charged along with his bodyguards with the abduction and torture of two Euromaidan activists, was shut down by the court on the grounds that the prosecutors had continuously failed to attend hearings.

Even the new patrol police, which initially gave a boost to public confidence in law enforcement, has not managed to bring about change.

Deficient legislation, limited training, and inadequate equipment have degraded the capacity and the professionalism of the new police force in Kharkiv, and the level of police violence has returned to pre levels.

The local SBU in Kharkiv has become the strongest law enforcement agency, and it operates without any mechanisms for meaningful supervision of its work. There are still pockets of support for Russia in Kharkiv, but with dissent silenced and the most radical activists jailed or driven out, pro-Russian sentiment has gone underground. Yet, according to a survey by the market research firm GfK, attitudes in Kharkiv toward the Donbas conflict are still divided: in , one quarter of the population blamed Kyiv for the fighting, while another quarter held Moscow responsible.

It is possible that many may be simply afraid to voice their opinion. More broadly, the outlooks of a plurality of people 45 percent in the Kharkiv region remain closely aligned with those of people living in Ukrainian government—controlled parts of Donetsk and Luhansk in eastern Ukraine, favoring neutrality over foreign alignment. One quarter of the population slightly more in the city of Kharkiv than the region as a whole would prefer that Ukraine move toward Europe, while support for integration with Russia decreased from 20 percent in to a meager 7 percent in Neutrality is a more natural option for a place like Kharkiv with a pronounced local identity.